I want to tell you about a phone call I made.

A café owner in Toronto — in an art-friendly neighborhood, with regulars who loved the culture, a community that had embraced her space for years — had commissioned a graffiti artist to paint her exterior wall. She paid for it. She wanted it. Her customers loved it. It was, by any reasonable measure, a success.

The city gave her notice and told her to paint over it within 72 hours.

She refused. The piece was commissioned. She owned the wall. She felt, reasonably, that she had the right to decide what was appropriate art for her own establishment.

The city sent officials to evaluate whether the piece qualified for an exemption under the mural act — a process by which certain works of public art could be legally retained rather than removed.

I was curious about the qualifications of these officials, so I called the city and asked.

What the city told me

The people sent to determine whether a piece of public art qualifies as a mural rather than illegal graffiti are regular citizens. No background in art. No background in art history. No training in the distinctions between graffiti, urban art, street murals, and the various subcategories within each.

Their evaluation criteria, as far as I could determine, amount to this: if they like it well enough, can read it, and don't find it threatening, they will endorse the exemption request. If they don't, the city will enforce the 72-hour paint-over notice, or send their own painters and force the owner to pay for it through their taxes.

The café owner, who had paid for a commissioned work of art on her own property, faced having it removed by people with no qualifications to assess it, on a timeline that gave her no meaningful right of appeal.

She was not an unusual case. I spoke with many owners in similar situations.

The comparison nobody makes

While the city was sending unqualified citizens to evaluate whether commissioned art on privately owned walls should be forcibly removed, it was doing something quite different about the illegal advertising that covered the same city.

Billboards without permits. Corporate murals that had not gone through any approval process. Large-scale outdoor advertising placed without community consent in the spaces people pass through every day — outside schools, daycares, religious buildings, parks, senior homes, and government housing.

I have yet to encounter a corporation that was sent a 72-hour notice to remove its illegal outdoor advertising and billed through its taxes when it refused.

The difference between the café owner and the corporation is not legal. It is financial. The corporation has lawyers and accountants and relationships with city officials and the capacity to litigate any challenge indefinitely. The café owner has a wall and seventy-two hours.

The broken window argument

I am aware of the "broken window" theory — the idea that visible disorder in a neighborhood signals neglect and invites further disorder and crime.

It has been applied to graffiti in city policy discussions for decades, and it has been studied extensively. The research does not support it as applied to graffiti. Graffiti and gang activity are not correlated in the way the theory assumes. Graffiti artists are not gang members. The presence of graffiti in a neighborhood does not reliably predict crime rates or property value decline.

These are not my conclusions. These are the findings of researchers who studied the actual data rather than the assumption.

The policy, however, was built on the assumption. It was built on the image of graffiti rather than the reality of it, and it has been enforced at the expense of people like the café owner — people who loved the art, supported the artists, and had the misfortune of doing so on walls that the city had decided, without much research, were the problem.

What other cities have worked out

Brazil. Chile. Germany. Spain.

Cities that have looked at graffiti culture without the reflex to eradicate it, that have invested in understanding what drives it and what it does for urban life, that have found ways to work with artists rather than against them — legal walls, school curriculum, city partnerships that give artists space in exchange for community investment.

This is not naive. It is practical. Any city that believes it can eradicate graffiti is, as one of the artists in my book put it directly, delusional. The impulse that drives graffiti — the need to mark your presence on a city that often acts as if you don't exist — is not a problem to be solved. It is a human constant, expressing itself in the medium available.

You can work with that, or you can spend forty years and significant public money discovering that you cannot suppress it.

Toronto Graffiti: The Human Behind the Wall is available at torontograffiti.ca and on Amazon. The interview on which portions of this article are based was conducted in 2011; some city programs and processes have changed since then.

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